Contesting Religion and Ethnicity in Madurese Society

This article describes historical phases of Madurese identity construction, the origins of Madurese ethnicity, inter-ethnic and inter-cultural relation, Madurese Pendalungan culture, and how Islam involves into cultural identities of the Madurese. In this paper, I will argue that Islam has become part of cultural values of the Madurese, that is, embedded within traditional activities and local wisdom. However, the involvement does not mean to exclude other “non-Islamic” and “non-Madurese” tradition in the process of construing Madurese identity. By exploring how Madurese identity was culturally constructed, someone could draw more visible connection between religion, tradition, and social identity. This paper illustrates how Madurese identity culturally produced, nurtured and matured. Since identity is a way of perceiving, interpreting, and representing the existence of people, I persist that Madurese identity has also been produced and reproduced depending on the political, social,


Introduction
When I visited Jakarta for the first time in 1998, a friend of mine from the city asked me curiously, "Are you Madurese? I didn't hear your Madurese dialect when you are speaking in Bahasa. It is unexpected." I just smiled at him. At the time, even I did not honestly realize that people would identify my social identity through my accent. To some extent, it was logical because Madurese dialect at the time has become 1 He is a Madurese poet who wrote many issues relating to Madura and Madurese culture. Among his writing are Semerbak Mayang (1977), Celurit Emas (1980), Bulan Tertusuk Ilalang (1982, Raden Sagoro (1984), Madura Akulah Darahmu (1999), and Mata Badik Mata Puisi (2012). He achieved many awards, e.g. The S.E.A Write Award. one of the great parodied enunciations among comedians of televisionseries. We might mention here at least two persons: Buk 2 Bariah 3 and Kadir. 4 Through their Madurese-like dialect, people could quickly identify the figure of Buk Bariah and Kadir as Madurese, even not every Madurese obtained that kind of lingo. Until today that personal experience has occasionally returned to me.
Since many people have their commonsense of Madurese identity, such experience also happened to many other Madurese people living within the non-Madurese community. Commonly, stereotypes of Madurese involved in dialect, character, attitude, and vocation. 5 Muthmainnah, in his book Jembatan Suramadu: Respon Ulama terhadap Industrialisasi, A Suramadu Bridge: An ʿUlamāʾ's Response to Industrialization, shared the same story: her friends hardly believed that she was from Madura and her parent were not sate or soto vender, nor a barber. She wrote about her Madurese friend's story where the Javanese student at his university insisted that he was not Madurese because his skin was lightly white and his body was not firm. 6 In today's Indonesia, we may highlight a political and judicial figure easily identified as a Madurese representative from his dialect: Muhammad Mahfud MD for instance. 7 This phenomenon reveals that some non-Madurese people tend to identify Madurese through visible and discernable entities.
Stereotypes of Madurese people, culturally acknowledged as their identity marker, had been traditionally embodied and embedded until today. Stereotypes contain knowledge, belief, and expectation about a social group, and they have been rooted in standard and ubiquitous 2 Buk is Madurese language used to call matured woman, similar to Ibu in Indonesian language. 3 She is one of the prominent characters in the movie of Film Si Unyil (broadcasted in TVRI between 1981 and1993). 4 He is a comedian known as Madurese person (although he is actually not) who inherited Madurese dialect in his performance. Among his movies are Kanan Kiri Oke (1989), Ikkut-ikutan (1990), "Salah Pencet" (1992), "Kapan di Luar Kapan di Dalam" (1995), and "Ngebut Kawin" (2010). 5 Read Huub De Jonge, "Stereotypes of Madurese" in Kees van Dijk, Huub De Jonge, and Elly Touwen-Bouwsma, Across Madura Strait (Leiden: KITLV Press, 1995). 6 Muthmainnah, Jembatan Suramadu, Respon Ulama terhadap Industrialisasi (Yogyakarta: LKPSM, 1998), xiv-xv. 7 He is a prominent figure, politician, lecture and lawyer. He was the chief justice of the Constitutional Court of Indonesia, the Minister of Defense (2000) and the Minister of Justice and Human Rights (2001). cognitive process. In this regard, stereotypes could be perceived as categories of a social group. They work automatically and cognitively. "Stereotypes-like social categories more generally-are not individual attitudinal predilections, but deeply embedded, shared mental representations of the social object." 8 However, it is essential to explain that there is an in-depth relationship between individual and social concerning how to produce and operate stereotyped patterns of a social object.
Aronson and McGlone place stereotypes as social identity threat which may create a disruptive effect and impairment of social intelligence. It may create defensive adaptations that can affect individuals to engage or disengage from social activities where stereotypes are relevant for decreasing intellectual improvement. 9 From this idea, it is plausible when some Madurese working and living in migrated-city prefer to hide their Madurese identity to evade stereotyping categorization and social identity threat from others. 10 Eriksen assumes that there may be a correlation between ethnicity and class: individuals belonging to specific ethnicity also belong to the particular category. 11 The violent conflict between Madurese migrant and local Dayaks in West Kalimantan in 1996 could be portrayed as a glaring example of how ethnicity and social class were misused for having communal violence. In this conflict, both Dayaks and Madurese had been playing ethnic boundaries to stimulate racial awareness among people. The ethnic strife strengthens the sensibility of people to persist ethnic identity marker during their interaction with outsiders. Here, ethnic identity, according to Klinken, grows through competition, not through isolation. 12 As a mirror, social categories sometimes appear in an individual character which is varied from one individual to another. Some people tend to identify individual from stereotypes entrenched within his fictitious social style. Such identification often happens when people guess individual as Madurese only from its physical appearances, such as black-hard body and loud voice. 13 The phenomenon reminds us to reflect on "imagined" and "experienced" Madurese identity carefully. Holy and Stuchlik describe that one of the goals of anthropological research is to untangle discrepancies between notions and actions, between people perception and their experience. 14 Eko, for instance, a Javanese person living in Madura more than 30 years, insisted that the real life of the Madurese society could be different from whatever non-Madurese has perceived it. 15 Here, lived experiences and encounters are needed. In line with Pak Eko, Hermawan, a Moluccan living in Madura for more than ten years, stated that stereotypes attached to Madurese do not utterly exist in their daily life. In fact, he found some fine social characteristics among Madurese which reasonably must be culturally enclosed as "stereotypes" of Madurese, such as loyalty and honesty. 16 Huub de Jonge wrote that in the first step he planned to go to Madura his colleagues gave him an early warning and advice to be careful with Madurese people. 17 According to Eriksen stereotypes may help the individual to divide the multifaceted social world into kinds of people and provide simple criteria. 18 The kinds and criteria will give personal impression whereby he or she can understand society. In this regard, it is also important to note that people commonly (and stereotypically) recognized all Madurese as Muslims: to be a Madurese is to be a Muslim. Many individuals perceive Madura as Serambi Madinah (the veranda of Medina) linked with Aceh Darussalam as Serambi Mekah (the veranda of Mecca). This social 13 This is compared with Javanese or Sundanese people who are stereotyped as relatively white, calm and quiet. 14 Read Ladislav Holy and Milan Stuchlik, Actions, Norms and Representations: Foundation of Anthropological Inquiry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983). 15 Interview with Eko (4/11/2017). 16 Interview with Hermawan (4/12/2017). 17 Huub de Jonge, Madura dalam Empat Zaman: Pedagang, Perkembangan Ekonomi dan Islam (Jakarta: Gramedia, 1989). 18 Eriksen, Thomas Hylland. Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Pluto Press. 2010), 30. embodiment sustained during vividly cultural changes occurred within Madurese society. The statistical report affirms that non-Muslim citizen in Madura represented less than one percent of the Madurese population in Madura. 19 However, it does not mean to exclude non-Muslim existence from Madurese society. In fact, the non-Muslim population in Madura played their roles in coloring and elevating Madurese culture.
Perceiving Madurese people as Muslim society is an aptly religious category that coincides with the social fact of historical Madura. By scrutinizing history of Madura, we will find a peak-point of social classes where Islam has been put as an ethnic and identity marker of the Madurese. Even though the history of Madura does not begin with Islamic narratives, it is easy to link Madurese knowledge and believe with Islam and Islamic outgrowth.

Madurese Ethnicity and Inter-Ethnic Relation
Craig Prentiss assumes that religion has a subtle but significant role in making and preserving the social construction of race and ethnicity. In the fundamental argument, he insists that race and ethnicity are the product of human imagination: they did not exist from the beginning of time, but a result of complex interplay of human construction. Within this connection, religion originates from playing its role. 20 This idea follows what Berger elucidates in his Social Construction of Reality that reality was socially constructed through the sociological transformation of human life. 21 Madurese mythology of Raden Segoro is meaningful to excavate sociological knowledge of Madurese ethnicity. In spite of questioning whether the story of Raden Segoro is myth or historical fact, it is principal to see that this story influenced culturally-constructed memory of Madurese knowledge concerning to their ancestry and ethnicity. Various versions emerge relating to the mythology of naming. Some assume that Madura is an abbreviation of madu e ra ara (honey in the land), referring to the story of honey and bee-nests found by the Princess Tunjungsekar in the island, some suppose that it refers to maddhuna dara (honey blood), and others believe that it was originated in the term of paddhu ara (corner pot). 22 Otherwise, Rifa'i wrote that it might be adopted from the city in eastern India called Madura, that is, surrounded by arid and waterless lands.
Madurese mythology does not give a definitive explanation on how Madurese ethnicity was constructed and how religion (especially Islam) influenced that construction. If we approve Brubaker's idea that ethnicity is a social consensus constructed by unity of blood while the solidarity of citizenship constructs nationalism, we might assume that ethnicity of the Madurese was inherited within the story of Raden Segoro as "the founder" of the island. Zawawi Imron, a well-known Madurese poet, outlines Madurese identity through a Madurese maxim, lahir e madhureh, nginum aeng madhureh, tetep oreng madhureh (someone who was born in Madura and drinks its water is a Madurese). 23 However, Madurese ethnicity also belongs to inter-ethnic relation. Ethnicity, according to Eriksen, refers to "aspects of relationships between groups which consider themselves, and are regarded by others, as being culturally distinctive." 24 The discourse of ethnicity involves majority and minority, dominating and discriminated group, in-group and out-group, and another subtheme of intergroup relation issues. Intergroup relation may conserve and influence the internal-external identification process within social actors, through categorical ethnic exclusion or inclusion. In this context, boundaries are culturally imagined to construct in-group and out-group perspective by the actors on seeing themselves and others. Barth presumes that ethnic group stem from biologically self-perpetuating, fundamental cultural values, the field of communication and interaction, and a membership which identifies itself and is identified by others. 25 In what follows, these defining elements of an ethnic group will be explored.

Self-Perpetuating
In his book, Manusia Madura, Rifa'i described some cultural aspects that perpetuate Madurese identities, such as religion, language, art, and the system of knowledge. 26 He wrote that the ancestor of Madurese people believed in animism, that is, approved by the relic of Bato Kennong or Bato Egghung (sacred stone) which could be found in many places in Madura. Hindu and Buddhism have also colored the past of Madurese religiosity and inherited several names in social-anthropology of Madura, such as Candi (holy place) and Mandala (ascetic legacy). Hindus and Buddhist traces have also ingrained within Madurese tradition such as rokat tase' (religious ritual of the sea), and nyalase (flowering the grave).
In the 15 th century, Madurese people acknowledged Islam, and it quickly increased and nurtured as a religion of the majority that inspired everyday life and culture. Islam did not only encourage Madurese in the way of being Muslim, but also in the way of being Madurese: many Arabic words influenced their language, Arabic names inspired their naming, Arabic clothing motivated their clothing, and Arabic religiosity revived their religious vision. Islamic perpetuation within Madurese tradition has retained in any aspect of people life, including language and literacy. Some Arabic-absorptive words that could be found in the Madurese language are aseyam (fasting, from Arabic al-ṣiyām), mosakkat (difficult, from Arabic al-mashaqqah), and mosiba (disaster, from Arabic almuṣībah). Living in the santri culture, 27 Madurese people have been familiar with Arabic-Islamic expressions, both in formal and informal manners.
The art performance of Saman signifies cultural expression of the Madurese rooted in Islamic-Arabic tradition. In Saman, Muslim performers chanted beautiful songs and praises in the Madurese language for the Prophet Muhammad, through mixed-elements of traditional Madurese art and Islamic commendations to the Prophet and God. 28 Madurese also introduced what they called mamaca (the art of chanting recited Madurese poetry concerning with history of the Prophet). However, Bouvier asserted that element of pre-Hinduism and pre-Islam had been deeply embedded in the theatrical art of mamacan. 29 In addition, Madurese people have good knowledge on how to interact with the nature and environment around them. For a long time, Madurese are renowned as a seafarer and fisherman who perceive the ocean as their "world." The Madurese mastered sailing and fishing in the sea. In one of the famous traditional songs, Madurese people symbolize their life as abental ombe' asapo' angin salanjengah (always pillowed by the wave and covered by the wind). Kurt Stenross describes that the Madurese are among the great maritime and trading people of the Indonesian archipelago. He argues that the ecology and demography of Madura contributed to the success of the Madurese as maritime entrepreneurs. 30 Human-nature interaction of the Madurese could also be revealed within Madurese aphorism. To mention a few of them: balibis abali ka rabbana (like a grouse coming back to its nest), malekko' mara tangghiling (coiled like an ant-bear), and pegha' juko'na jhe' palekko aenggha (catch the fish, do not mess the water). These aphorisms exemplified that Madurese people have construed their social knowledge based on their interaction with nature. In naming natural phenomenon, for instance, the Madurese expressed their close understanding of nature, such as calling rainy season as nembhara (because of the wind of the west [bhara']) and dry season as nemor (because of the wind of the east [temor]). The direction was an important aspect of Madurese ecology: they have regarded and upheld Madurese local wisdom on making a path in building houses. Traditionally, the Madurese will always build their home facing to the south 31 , with the langgar built in the western part of the yard, while the kitchen has its position in the southern part of the yard. This traditional and cultural architecture was called taneyan lanjeng. 32 29 Ibid.,[158][159][160]

Fundamental Cultural Values
Mieder asserts that proverb fulfills people need to summarize their experiences into pieces of wisdom or poetical words that inherit cultural-individually or socially-affairs. 33 It signifies the contextual condition of the people and involves imagined situation of them. In some cases, it becomes practical and strategic communication that might describe and influence the social identity of the particular community. There are types of the proverb, and the Madurese have at least three kinds. The first is called parebhasan, analogical term to express specific condition of individual or community in animal/nature/object illustration. For instance, to convey that there is always an exceptional person in a family, Madurese proverb says tellor sa patarangan ta' kerah becce' kabbhi (there is always a rotten egg among eggs). The second is paparegan which can be identified as a simple poem such as tamba jato tamba kelang; tamba lako tamba pakan (additional job requires other wage). The third is called saloka that contains wisdom and beautiful words, e.g., pae' jhe' dulih palowa, manis jhe' dulih kalodhu' (do not directly vomit the bitter thing, do not immediately swallow the sweet one). 34 Besides attempts to describe Madurese identity through proverbs, Iqbal Nurul Azhar tried to elucidate Madurese characters through Madurese songs and lyrics. In his article "Karakter Masyarakat Madura dalam Syair-syair lagu Daerah Madura" (Characters of Madurese Society within the Local Songs of Madura), Azhar stated that several characters of the Madurese could be discovered within lyrics of the Madurese local songs, such as being patriotic, religious, hard worker, responsible, polite, and faithful to the family. 35  because of those language differences. Language, in some degrees, influences people thought and mind. 36 In this regard, proverb and song produced and reproduced based on lived experiences of specific society might construct different perspective among different people.
Within these characters, Madurese identity as religious people becomes convincingly confirmed. They represented themselves as Muslim who believe in and practice Islam as the way of life. Adapted from nuggets of the famous song of Tanduk Majhang, Madurese recognized themselves as abhental syahadat, asapo' iman, apajhung Allah, asandhing Nabi (pillowed by confession, covered by faith, pawned by God, and accompanied by the Prophet). The Islamic representation within the local culture could also be identified in Minangkabau people who acknowledge Islam as their basic principle on building culture: adat basandi syara', syara' basandi kitabulah (tradition is based on Islamic law, Ian slamic law is based on the holy book [the Qur'an]). Islam and Madurese tradition have culturally intertwined and entangled each other. Strengthening this reality, Rifa'i wrote, "…if there was a Madurese believed in Catholicism or Christianity, that was a very extraordinary exceptional." 37 However, it is worth noting that few of Madurese living in Madura Island converted to Christianity and Catholicism. 38 Also, there is Madurese community in Sumberpakem Jember who believed and practiced Christianity for centuries. 39 Islamic values infiltrated within the cultural activities of the Madurese and staged as an ethnic identity marker. 40  celebration in Safar). Madurese people are highly obsessed to implement Islamic order, including to visit Mecca and Medina for performing ḥājj (pilgrimage). For Madurese, Islam does create not only religious activism but also shape social and ethnic prestige. Mansurnoor emphasizes that ulama (Islamic leader) in Madura are an inseparable part of the local social structure. They have a strategic position that allows exercising a leadership role in the local context. The social leadership of Madurese people to some extents depends on religious leadership. He acknowledges Madurese recognition to the ulama through Madurese term of Keyaeh (the ulama of pesantren who has extensive relation with broader society) and Mak Kaeh (the ulama with close connection). In his term, he called the second as local kyai and the first as supra-local kyai. 41 Besides the authority of the ulama as Muslim leader among Madurese people, other social bodies influence cultural entities in Madura. In his thesis, Islam and Politics in Madura, Yanwar Pribadi mentioned other social authorities outside the ulama in Madura, namely blater 42 (local strongmen) and klebun 43 (village heads). Pribadi argues that these authorities (kiai, blater, and klebun) have overriding access to use religious power, physical force, and formal leadership within their controlled territory. 44 The boundaries of power-relation between these authorities somehow melted in distorted arena and territories. Kiai as religious leader currently tends to plunge into practical politics that has ethically been avoided in the past by kiai within pesantren tradition. However, this phenomenon shows that religious or Islamic traces are strongly attached within Madurese activities, including practical politics. capacity and capability), manossa coma dharmah (reminding people that human duty is only to serve), and kembhang malate kembhang bhabur, mandhar bhadha'a paste, terro daddhia haji mabrur (hoping to make a pilgrimage and have a blessed journey).

Madurese interpretation of Islamic values into proverb could be identified in bango' jhuba'a e ada' etembang jhubha' e budih
Another proverb that signifies an innate character of the Madurese is etembhang pote mata, bhango' pote tolang (it is better to die than to get shy). This proverb is commonly understood as the instinctive desire of the Madurese to fight and make violence. Carok, as an art of traditional martial fight between two (or more) individuals involved in a conflict, was generally labeled to Madurese people as a peaceful way to solve a conflict. In some cases, when Madurese person decided to do carok, he will come to kiai for asking a blessed permit and amulet. Madurese people said, mon kerras pa'akerres (if you want to become a strongman you must have a power). They tend to keep silent on responding or resolving their problem, including to fight or attack their opponent. They said, mon raja ghaludhugga ta' kera raja ojhenna (the louder you speak, the weaker you are). Latief Wiyata explored some reasons that encourage Madurese to conduct carok which might be simply classified into (1) family problem and (2) social prestige. 45 For the Madurese, family and kinship are principal elements to build society. When ethnicity was identified as solidarity based on united blood, a kinship, Madurese people traditionally attempted to keep their kinship through the marital approach and devoted friendship. They preserve the term of settong dhere (one blood) and taretan dhibhi' (our family) to express their ancestral network with other. On the one hand, this principle creates a strong attachment from in-group people, on the other hand, it produces imaginable detachment of out-group people. However, Madurese people have also acknowledged as individualistic: ngala' karebbha dhibhi' (individualistic). Many of them ignored the kinship and family network, and prefer to separate themselves from family ties. In this context, there is a Madurese proverb said oreng deddih taretan, taretan deddih oreng (other becomes family, the family becomes other).

Field of Communication and Interaction
Cultural differences mark ethnic groups and measure social identity by a manner of in and out of groupness. Communication and social interaction between two or more collective parties become one of the crucial keywords within cultural studies of social identity and ethnicity. It is plausible to say that ethnic groups are what people believe or imagine to be, where the process of identification arises out of and within interactions. Referring to Barth, ethnicity focuses more on relationships of cultural differentiation, and specifically upon contact between collectivities, between them and us. 46 Madurese people identified cultural and ethnic groupness by using the term of taretan dibhi' (our family) and settong dere (one blood) to include Madurese people into in-group and others into out-group classification. The sense of ethnic partiality of the Madurese could be noticed when they meet each other, especially wherever outside the mainland of Madura. Ethno-social conflict in Kalimantan between Madurese and Dayak in 1996s, for instance, was exploded because of ethnic preference of the Madurese and the Dayaks. 47 On doing racial classification, Madurese people to some extent use the word oreng laen (another person) or oreng jeu (people far away) to call individuals or groups detached from their community. Such identification eventually creates a different approach to inter-ethnic communication and interaction.
As a neighboring ethnic group of the Madurese, Javanese people was somewhat represented as a mirror and an ideal for the Madurese as well as a threat. In anthropological studies, Madura has remained ignorant of being research concern: seemingly before 1977, Madura had no proper geographical and cultural identity for most authors. 48 In the past, traditional Madurese acknowledged only two worlds: Jabah (Java) and Madureh (Madura). Many people in Madura perceived Kalimantanas another destination island for working-as Jabah Dajah (the Northern Java) rather than Borneo or Kalimantan. Madurese people regarded Java and Javanese culture as culturally "superior" and call Madurese migration to Java as onggha (going up) and return to Madura as toron (going down). 49 Madurese people also utilized this kind of communicative approach in interaction with other different ethnic groups and highlighted Madurese saying kor jhe' la nyala (as long as they do not make problems) as a basis. Madurese people, in fact, lived in close interaction with other groups. They had no exclusive livelihood, although in some degree they seem to be self-protective of their identity and ethnicity. 50 Some of the non-Madurese individuals are afraid to start communication with Madurese persons because of stereotypes marked to them as unpredictable and temperamental. "It is not true that Madurese people are temperamental and rude. I have been here in Madura for more than ten years, and I have known that they are respectable and loyal people. What I like from Madurese is that they are very frankly. They say what they want and what they do not, without keeping any feelings," said Hermawan. 51 The same impression was expressed by other non-Madurese persons who lived in Madura for a long time. Madurese people build inter-ethnic and social communication based on mutual respect. 52 Social tensions that sometimes appear, according to them, are political-based problems triggered through religious and ethnic identity issues.

Ethnic Group Membership
In his paper "Kehidupan Orang-orang Madura di Kota-Kota Perantauan" Isnani persisted that some of the Madurese migrants living in the big city felt ashamed to declare their ethnic identity of being Madurese. 53 Being identified as a member of specific ethnic groups somewhat sharpen a cultural barrier or boundary to another ethnic group which may influence how people interact with each other. To obscure such cultural limit, many Madurese avoid to uncover their ethnic identity publicly. In this regard, they recognize to politically and sociologically govern ethnicgroup membership.
In Madura, ethnic membership is ascribed by patrilineal descent: the father's position has significant influence to determine social association within the ethnic group of the Madurese. However, ethnic group membership of the Madurese is fluid that to some extent creates indefinite identification. Ethnic group membership attachment or detachment depends on many aspects, including political and economic interest. Jenkins supposes that collective interest does not reflect perceived similarities and differences between ethnic groups, but it does encourage ethnic identification. 54 In his writing, Weber wrote that "ethnic membership does not constitute a group; it only facilitates group formation of any kind, particularly in the political sphere." 55 To explore ethnic-group membership we may examine through "cultural stuff," that is, experienced within ethnic and inter-ethnic relations such as the way people perceive their group, the prominent characteristics of them and other groups, and particular worldviews maintained, contested and transformed among them. Referring to Weber's theory of "ethnic community action," Eriksen emphasizes that ethnic differences have become so visible in many societies that it has become impossible to ignore them. 56 Mead affirms that group membership is a symbolic, not a physical matter. 57 The members internalize symbols of group membership and affect their acts. If we cite Randall Collins' idea, we may say that particular acts are always micro, but the structure (group membership) that generates it into a macro. 58

Pendalungan: A Cultural Encounter
Pendalungan could be identified as periuk besar (great melting pot) where various traditions meet, integrate, and decisively produce a new alteration of culture. It may also defined as the descendant of interethnic marriage between Madurese and Javanese people or cultural encounter between Javanese and Madurese tradition. 59 Konstantinos Retsikas elucidates that pendalungan stem from Javanese words, medal, and lunga, which mean "going out to stay in a certain place." 60 The word pandalungan to some extent means speaking or talking by using vague and discourteous language, 61 because every migrant community reserves their language on the one hand and recognize another language on the other.
As a multicultural society, Madurese pendalungan tend to be inclusive. Sutarto classified seven characters of pendalungan culture: (1) they are inbetween society living in transition between traditional and industrial era; (2) the majority are primary-orality people who prefer to talk and chat, not to think out of the box; (3) adaptive and open to social change; (4) expressive and transparent; (5) paternalistic; (6) regarding kinship relation; and (7) somehow temperamental and unpredictable. 62 These characters stem from inter-cultural interaction and inter-ethnic communication.
Term of Pendalungan covers certain culture assimilated with another culture, such as Chinese Pendalungan or Arab Pendalungan. Indeed, it could be classified as an independent assimilation-based culture 63 as well as becomes a distinctive cultural identity stemmed from inter-ethnic acculturation. It is supposed that more than two times of Madurese people live within pendalungan culture and experience Madurese tradition outside Madura because of migration. 64 From this reality, anecdotal classification of Madura Swasta (unofficial Madurese) and Madura Negeri (official Madurese) emerges. The first is to identify Madurese people who were born in the area of Tapal Kuda in East Java and wherever outside Madura, while the second implies all Madurese born and live in the mainland and its surroundings. That sketchy classification remains historical experiences of inter-ethnic relation among the Madurese which constructed "cultural borders" not only between them and another ethnic group but also among the Madurese themselves.
Having that that the human world may be constructed in three different layers of order: individual order, interaction order, and institutional order, 65 it is worth noting that internal-external identification represents a keyword to look at selfhood as an embodied individual. Interaction order, furthermore, enrich what Erving Goffman calls as "the art of impression management": orchestrating a cultural spot where self-image and public-image encounter. Here, in some respects, Goffman asserts that identification is a part of daily human activities. 66 In line with this, Randall Collins persists that individual is not only a body: it represents dynamics of situations. He argues that individual is "moving precipitate across situations." 67 Individuals are interactional. They need social space to express their ideas and practices.
Pendalungan culture represents inclusiveness and multicultural mind of the Madurese on building and keeping their social identity. In the Madurese Christian community in Sumberpakem, for instance, there are many couples born and lived within the pendalungan tradition in term of ethnicity (Madurese and Javanese) or religion (Islam and Christianity). Madurese Christian in the district could interact with Muslim neighbor through shared cultural activities in everyday life. They do not need to cover their identity as Christians to get recognition as a part of Madurese society. It happens because of historical time that gradually eliminates cultural detachment between Christianity and Madurese identity. This phenomenon differs from the experience of some Madurese Christians living in the mainland who prefer to obscure their Christianity unless to whom they are familiar with. Emma, a Madurese woman, born in the Muslim family, told that her story of being Christian was a story of rejection and resistance. Her family and neighbor refused her to live in the district and forced her to leave. Her family and neighbor exclude her from a Madurese group-ness because if her conversion to Christianity. 68 Guttmann assumes that partition and cultural-border making which is more stable is structured in the mind of people. 69 Perspective about the other strongly influences the way someone constructs inter-subjective and inter-ethnic group relation. In line with this, Apostolov suggests considering the civilizational frontier as a zone of contact, in which the alternative between accommodation and confrontation is open, rather than a fault-line of encounter. 70

Conclusion
For the Madurese, Islam remains meaningful to deal with ethnic identification. Madurese person who believes and practices Christianity will be perceived as less Madurese and recognized out of ethnicgroupness. Some of Madurese Christian tend to live outside Madura (and Madurese society) to experience contented public space of Christianity. 71 Islam has become part of ethnic markers that finds its justification through cultural assimilation with the local tradition. Madurese proverb abhental syahadat, asapo' iman, apajhung Allah, asandhing Nabi describes the culturally rooted connection between Islam and Madurese ethnicity, that is, practiced by the people.
Islamic values have for centuries influenced everyday life of the Madurese not only in term of constructing internal identification of Muslim community but also of creating external categorization of others, including Madurese Christian. To some degree, Madurese people tend to restrain ethnic traces just for specific religious values (Islam) although there has been Madurese community existing and practicing Christianity outside the mainland. In many cases of Madurese Muslim conversion, the Madurese maxim oreng deddih taretan, taretan deddih oreng (other becomes family, the family becomes other) preserves to create a cultural and ethnic partition. The domain of religious differentiation raises more strongly than the spirit of racial resemblance. Jenkins asserts that ethnicity is centrally a matter of shared meaning. 72 Similarly, Islam-as an important factor within Madurese tradition-becomes a social necessity to construe ethnicity and Madurese locality.
However, Madurese ethnicity could be socially intertwined with Christianity, that is, witnessed within Madurese Christian life in Sumberpakem, Jember. Compared with the homogenous condition in the mainland that separate Christianity from cultural ingredients of Madurese ethnicity, Madurese Christians in the district uphold Christianity as a religion on the one hand and preserve Madura as an ethnic identity on the other. One of the reasons is that the Madurese community in Sumberpakem had been living near to pendalungan culture which improves inclusive and multicultural society. Cultural and interethnic encounters may construe different ways of perceiving the (religious or ethnic) others.
Ethnicity is a way of perceiving, interpreting, and representing the social world. It is not a thing in the world, but perspectives on the world. 73 In line with this, Madurese ethnicity is a matter of produced and reproduced meaning based on social interaction and categorization of others, which is different (and always changing) between one and another cultural situation and time. Budi, a Madurese Christian living in Bondowoso, East Java, expressed his past-Islamic experience of being Madurese descendant of inter-religious (Islam-Christianity) and interethnic (Madurese-Chinese) marriage in Madura. There was no rejection from his family and neighbor at first time for that marriage, but eventually, his father preferred to live outside the Madura when the situation was changed. 74 Madurese inclusiveness, religiously and culturally, creates social possibilities for assimilation and acculturation. It was witnessed by the presence of non-Madurese ethnics, e.g., Chinese, Arab, Javanese, Ambonese, and Moluccan in Madura or non-Islam religions such as Christianity and Buddhism. The thing that must be prevented as a treat for this pluralism and multiculturalism is a spirit of Islamism which has currently elevated in various religious movement. This kind of excessive religiosity drives to put several Muslim movements as "the main vehicle of religious and moral excellence within a generally wayward, 73 Roger Brubaker, Ethnicity Without Groups (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2004), 17. 74 Interview with Budi, 13/8/2017. unenlightened, or heedless community." 75 It happens, for some reasons, because perceptions and understanding of Christianity vary among Muslim Madurese, that is, depending on background knowledge and institutionalized (Islamized or ethnicized) practice. Excessive religiosity and ethnicity tend to reduce Madura as an accessible public sphere for "Muslim" and "Madurese." This perception aims to restrain geographical boundary with ideological or theological barriers. To exemplify fluidity of Madura and the Madurese identity, Zawawi Imron insists that "Madura is not only an island but ocean of knowledge."